A Pandemic in 2024

By: Avery Sigler

In January 2020, Haiti was declared two-years cholera free, after a decade-long struggle to eliminate the disease, which was not native to the island. While left unacknowledged until 2016, cholera was introduced by UN volunteers who came from Nepal to help Haiti after the devastating 2010 earthquake. Only ten months later, in November of 2020, there were 600 confirmed cholera cases, and another 6,500 suspected. Haiti was no longer cholera-free, and a new pandemic was about to begin.

As of April 11, there have been a total of 31,705 cholera cases worldwide, with a case fatality rate of 2.2 across the global south, including Africa and the Caribbean. The UK, where the largest outbreak of cholera occurred in the mid-19th century, has not had a case since 1893. These cases are primarily concentrated in former colonies, with twenty-five of the twenty-seven countries with recent reported cases fitting this descriptor. The World Health Organization classified the cholera pandemic as a grade three emergency in January 2023, its highest internal level for emergencies. And yet, it has barely made the news.

You would be hard-pressed to find someone who does not understand the implications of pandemic in 2024. However, in the case of a disease such as cholera, which has been eliminated for so many years, those in global north countries tend to overlook it likely due to the fact that it is a disease that is relatively isolated to low-income countries. Cholera is caused by the ingestion of food or water contaminated with the bacterium Vibrio cholerae. Severe forms of the disease without immediate treatment can kill in hours. There are many strains of the bacterium but only two - O1 and O139 - can cause outbreaks, though O1 has caused all recent outbreaks. The spread of the disease is easy to avoid if a country has proper infrastructure, such as sewer systems. In modern times, the disease only affects countries that can’t afford proper sanitation in the water-supply. There also is a vaccine, known as the Oral Cholera Vaccine (OCV), but countries that lack the infrastructure for its development don’t have the means to vaccinate against it causing higher infection rates. In 2023, fourteen countries requested a total of 78 million OCV from the World Health Organization, but only 38 million were available. As of March 8th, only previous requests for vaccinations can be filled. Though this deadline has recently passed, a spike of cholera cases in another country that does not have the technology to replicate these vaccines, would be left completely vulnerable.

The othering of countries, from developed to developing, is likely the link between the high CFR and the underreporting in the media. From the perspective of global north nations, cholera is not a threat due to development on the backs of the countries suffering today. Those in the countries currently facing a cholera pandemic have to live with that constant fear, the same way that countries like the United States did during COVID-19, but without the infrastructure and the governmental influence to help to improve public health. Cholera may seem to the people in Western countries a disease of medieval times, but it is a very real threat to millions of  people worldwide.

The Worldwide Responsibility to End Hostilities in Sudan

By: Brooke Blosser

Since April 2023, the Sudanese Civil War has been creating a humanitarian disaster. Sudan is currently facing “one of the worst humanitarian nightmares in recent history”, while much of the focus of the rest of the world is on other geopolitical issues. Due to dwindling global aid, The United States and other world leaders should take a more decisive stand on the war in Sudan, and commit to ending the humanitarian crisis and promoting democracy within the country.

The Sudanese Civil War is a consequence of political regime changes in Sudan over the past thirty years, most of which have come through violent military coups. Thus, political violence has been the norm in Sudan, and the country has had a difficult time achieving democratic stability. These trends set the stage for the power struggle between two factions of the Sudanese military: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group. These two groups worked together in 2019 and 2021 to carry out a coup and consolidate their power. However, questions of how the groups would work together led to a power struggle, and ultimately, the outbreak of the Civil War. The difference between this conflict and past conflicts in Sudan is that both groups are recognized by the government - neither of them can be considered rebels. With the fighting not expected to end anytime soon, the humanitarian situation can only grow worse.

The UN reports that 12,000 Sudanese have been killed and eight million have been displaced. It is difficult for children to attend school and hunger is widespread, with 90 percent of the population facing food insecurity. Additionally, the Civil War has internally and externally displaced millions, adding to the instability both within Sudan and the Horn of Africa region. Refugees in surrounding countries like Chad and South Sudan are straining the already precarious economic systems, and compounding upon existing infrastructure issues in those countries. This crisis is currently one of the worst humanitarian issues in the world, and international organizations and world leaders need to step up to assist with ensuring humanitarian assistance reaches the people of Sudan.

Aside from assisting with humanitarian needs, organizations like the United Nations and world leaders, like the United States, must assist with brokering a peace, or, at the very least, a ceasefire to ensure protections. Aside from the obvious need to end the war for humanitarian reasons, the United States has a strategic interest in ending hostilities. If Sudan fails to return to peace, the country will become a breeding ground and safe haven for terrorist organizations. Additionally, when more migrants are forced to resettle in neighboring states, instability could spread and incite greater violence in the region and create even more space for terrorism to grow. However, even with these high stakes, no country or organization has been able to foster productive peace talks. One set of talks, organized by Saudi Arabia and the United States, fell apart due to disagreements between the Saudis and Americans. This is unacceptable, both for the citizens of Sudan stuck in a humanitarian crisis, and the world at large under the threat of terrorism.

However, it would be beneficial for both sides to explore peace: the RSF remains unpopular with the Sudanese people, while the SAF struggles to maintain order in an increasingly disorganized military structure. The incentives to pursue peace exist, both for actors in Sudan and around the world. The United Nations and other influential world leaders need to step up and provide areas for mediation to end the hostilities and protect the people in Sudan from a terrible humanitarian crisis. Additionally, the world must be committed to continuing this support through assisting with peaceful transitions of power and other democratizing measures in Sudan. Creating a culture of a peaceful democracy, which is a popular idea with the Sudanese, should not be undertaken with a goal of creating a “Western” democracy. Rather, the world should work with Sudan to create a peaceful democracy on their terms, not ours. By taking into account Sudanese culture, the world can assist with creating a lasting democracy that protects the Sudanese people from humanitarian crises, and the world from terrorists growing within their borders.

India’s Ram Mandir Consecration Is Not to Be Celebrated, But Mourned

By : Vaidehi Bhardwaj

The Ram Mandir has revealed the Modi government as an authoritarian monstrosity, yet we remain blissfully blind. 

Young men pelting passing cars with sticks and stones- going so far as to slash tires. People being dragged out of buildings and beaten in the streets. Homes bulldozed, women groped and harassed, cemeteries set ablaze by violent mobs. Could this be Germany in the thirties? A scene from Rwanda in the mid-nineties?

This is India in 2024.

Days after the consecration of the sacred Ram Mandir (Temple of Ram) in Ayodhya, violent mobs of young men trawled the streets in seven different states, chanting “Jai Sri Ram” (Praise Lord Ram) and attacking Muslim minority communities. According to supporters of the temple, Ayodhya is the “janmabhoomi,” or birthplace, of Lord Ram, one of the most prominent gods in Hindu polytheistic tradition. Some historians claim to have pinpointed the exact spot upon which Lord Ram was born- a place where, coincidentally, a Muslim mosque erected during the Mughal occupation of India stood. Evidence for this claim is scant and disputed, but the BJP government has claimed a temple built on the site will mend historical grievances from the Mughal occupation, and pave a new era of cooperation between Hindus and Muslims in the country.

Maybe the mobs wreaking havoc across India didn’t get the memo- they tore down storefronts without saffron-colored flags, a symbol of Hinduism, and those hosting Muslim symbols or Arabic writing. They cornered women and men alike on the streets and asked them to chant Hindu hymns, beating them if they refused. Mobs pasted banners with Hindu symbols onto Christian and Catholic churches. Opposition leaders from minority communities and parties received threats in-person and on social media. Amidst the chaos, Prime Minister Narendra Modi lauded the temple as a beacon for a brighter future and the end of a “historical knot” of contention between Hindus and Muslims. Ironically, neither Modi nor his party, the Bharatiya Janata (BJP) addressed the clearly religiously-motivated violence- in fact, several key BJP politicians stoked it, saying they “very well know what needs to be done.” 

This is not the Modi government’s first foray into authoritative fascism. In fact, discriminatory and divisive actions have slowly but surely become the norm in India since 2002, with the Gujarat Riots under Modi, then Chief Minister. It has continued to a crescendo in recent years- in 2019, the BJP introduced a law allowing Indian asylum for all citizens except Muslim ones of neighboring countries- a law that is set to go into effect this year, preceding elections. Anti-conversion laws in several BJP-ruled states prevent religious conversion without prior approval from the government. Education is not spared either: chapters on minority and lower-caste struggles for rights, and diversity in democracy, have been quietly removed from high school textbooks. The government has replaced mentions of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first prime minister and famous secularist, with those of V.D. Savarkar, the creator of militant Hindutva (Hindu supremacy). Periodic crackdowns on the Internet, healthcare, and public gatherings have also become terrifyingly commonplace. Free speech and expression no longer exist- the Modi government used a series of peaceful protests in January 2020 to impose draconian restrictions on news agencies.Furthermore, the government deleted over a thousand Twitter accounts, ordered a complete Internet shutdown, and imprisoned activists on baseless charges for extended periods of time. Activists and academics are consistently harassed and threatened by authorities and laypeople both. Any kind of dissent is instantly painted as anti-Indian: Modi himself deemed Punjabi farmers peacefully protesting new agriculture laws as Khalistani separatists and “parasites.” Is it any surprise, then, that Hindu militant nationalists feel comfortable visiting such open violence upon minority communities? After all, Modi and the BJP clearly built the foundations- signaling that minority religious and political groups are somehow dangerous, un-Indian, and undeserving of rights and respect.

And yet, Hindus around the world rejoice at another supposed “win” for their religion and their country through the consecration of the Ram Mandir. They take to the streets and celebrate in parties, in parades, or in Tesla caravans. They choose to forget that the Ram Mandir is built precisely on top of the ruins of the Babri Masjid, a Muslim mosque abandoned by the local Muslim population after Hindutva sentiments made it too dangerous to worship there. The mosque was eventually torn down in 1992 by militant Hindu nationalists. They choose not to hear the leading Hindu scholars of the country decrying the temple as a politicized sham. They turn a blind eye to the civil rights and liberties disappearing as a result of their actions. They are perfectly content labeling those who raise concerns about their glee as “not Hindu enough,” “playing appeasement politics,” “separatist,” “Marxist”- as other. 

“The NRI population that is supporting that majoritarian project…basically they’re supporting a coming genocide,” says UVA Professor of History Indrani Chatterjee. “In every riot since 2002, Muslim middle classes have lost their business, shops and properties and are either killed- as in the Gulbarg Society Massacre- or completely and permanently displaced. So that’s what’s effectively happening. That’s terrifying. That same kind of violence is being visited by means of bulldozers that are sent to demolish shrines, mosques and hutments of the working poor among Muslims living in Delhi suburbs. It’s a clear step-by-step ethnic cleansing that’s happening. Nobody is going to call it that.”

After all, this is the true genius of Modi and his ilk- not their success at governing (which has been minimal), but their fearsome ability to exploit religious, ethnic, and caste differences that have existed in India from time immemorial. With one hand, they point to the sky and proclaim unity and progress for all Indians- while with the other, they quietly continue to tear apart the seams that hold an immensely diverse and populous India together.

The Ram Mandir is not cause for celebration. It is not a success for “historically marginalized” Hindus, nor is it a step in reclaiming Indian heritage. It is no pushback against Mughal colonization, or a new era of “Ram Rajya” (just and ethical governance). We must recognize the Ram Mandir for what it is- another discreet, devastating attack against one of the minority groups Modi and the BJP have demonized, and an inexcusably unapologetic marriage of religion and the political state. We must mourn the Ram Mandir project- it is nothing but another death knell for Indian democracy.